However, in too many countries and societies,women's social _____ is still low. A.positionB.postC.status
However, in too many countries and societies,women's social _____ is still low.
A.position
B.post
C.status
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请阅读短文，完成此题。It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.The underlined word "innovations" in Para.2 may be replaced by查看材料A．efficiencyB．productivityC．innovationsD．transforming
请阅读短文，完成此题。It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.Why did the numbers of married women employers increase in the 20th century?查看材料A．The mechanization of housework.B．The married women have much spare time.C．The employers don't want to hire the single women.D．Because of their own economic uecessity and high marriage rates.
请阅读短文，完成此题。It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.Which of the following statement is Not true?查看材料A．Now the phenomenon of choosing employees by gender does no longer exist.B．Women have little opportunity for promotion.C．Women are needed to do much housework.D．Women always get low pay in their occupations.
请阅读短文，完成此题。It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.The best title of the passage may be查看材料A．The Influence of MechanizationB．The Status of Women is ChangingC．Changes of Women's WorkD．Are Women and Men Equal
请阅读短文，完成此题。It is frequently assumed that the mechanization of work has a revolutionary effect on the livesof the people who operate the new machines and on the society into which the machines have beenintroduced. For example, it has been suggested that the employment of women in industry takethem out of the. household, their traditional sphere and fundamentally alter their position in society.In the nineteenth century, when women began to enter factories, Jules Simon, a French politician,warned that by doing so, women would give up their femininity. Fredrich Engels, however,predicted that women would be liberated from the"social, legal, and economic subordination" ofthe family by technological developments that made possible the recruitment of "the whole femalesex .., into public industry." Observers thus differed concerning the social desirability ofmechanization's effects, but thev agreed that it would trmsiorm women's lives.Historians, particularly thnse investigating the history of women, now seriously question thisassumption of transforming power. They conclude that such dramatic technological innovations asthe spinning jenny, the sewing tnachine, the typewriter, and the vacuum cleaner have not resultedin equally dramatic social changes in women's economic position or in the prevailing evaluation ofwomen's work. The employment of young women in textile mills during the Industrial Revolutionwas largely and extension of an older pattern of employment for young, single women as domestics.It was not the change in office technology, but rather the separation of secretarial work, previouslyseen as an apprenticeship for beginning managers, from administrative work that in the 1880'screated a new class of "dead end" jobs, thenceforth considered "women's work". The increase inthe numbers of married women enployed outside the home in the twentieth century, had less to dowith the mechanization of housework and an increase in leisure time for these women than it didwith their own economic necessity and with high marriage rates that shrank the available pool ofsingle women worke, previously, in many cases, the only women employers would hire.Women's work has changed considerably in the past 200 years, moving from the household tothe ofiice or the factory, and later becoming mostly white-collar instead of blue-collar work. Fundamentally, however, the conditions under which women work have changed little since the Industrial Revolution: the segregation of occupatious by gender, lower pay for women as a group,jobs that require relatively low levels of skill and offer women little opportunity for advancement all persist, while women's household labour remains demanding. Recent historical investigation has led to a major revision of the notion that lec.hnology is always inherently revolutionary in its effectson society. Mechanization may even have slowed any change in the traditional position of womeu both in the labour market and in the home.What is the main idea of the first paragraph?查看材料A．The mechanization of work has a revolutionary eftct.B．The social mechanization would "aftct women's lives.C．The social status of women has changed.D．Observers have different ideas about the effect of social mechanizatiou.
All but the tiniest of roads have to have names so they can be recognized on a map,and so people can ask?directions to them.Americans name a lot of bridges,too.Very often these names carry a clear geographical reference the Pennsylvania Turnpike,for example.Or,like?the George Washington Bridge,roads and bridges are named for famous historical figures or powerful officers.We make a big deal out of naming things,as when someone decided to name an airport after a U.S.judge.So?now we have the Baltimore Washington International Thurgood Marshall Airport.Many,if not most,of our college buildings are named for wealthy people who gave a lot of money to the?schools.And our sports centers took this idea a step further.Companies paid a whole lot of money for what′s called?the"naming rights"to U.S.Cellular Field in Chicago,for example,and Citizens Bank Park in Philadelphia.Now the governor（州长）of Virginia,Bob McDonnell,wants to sell naming rights to roads and bridges in the state.He says not just companies,but also wealthy people,would help the Virginia transportation budget（预算）by paying to have their names--or perhaps those of loved ones--placed on roads and bridges,and thus on maps as well.People hold different views,however.Supporters say Americans are used to having things sponsored（赞助）.Others disagree,considering the idea as the next step in the"companies of America."They wonder how far such an?idea might spread,and where it would end:at the Burger King Pacific Ocean,perhaps.Who are many college buildings named for according to the passage?A.Powerful officers.B.Famous judges.C.Historical figures.D.Wealthy people.
All but the tiniest of roads have to have names so they can be recognized on a map,and so people can ask?directions to them.Americans name a lot of bridges,too.Very often these names carry a clear geographical reference the Pennsylvania Turnpike,for example.Or,like?the George Washington Bridge,roads and bridges are named for famous historical figures or powerful officers.We make a big deal out of naming things,as when someone decided to name an airport after a U.S.judge.So?now we have the Baltimore Washington International Thurgood Marshall Airport.Many,if not most,of our college buildings are named for wealthy people who gave a lot of money to the?schools.And our sports centers took this idea a step further.Companies paid a whole lot of money for what′s called?the"naming rights"to U.S.Cellular Field in Chicago,for example,and Citizens Bank Park in Philadelphia.Now the governor（州长）of Virginia,Bob McDonnell,wants to sell naming rights to roads and bridges in the state.He says not just companies,but also wealthy people,would help the Virginia transportation budget（预算）by paying to have their names--or perhaps those of loved ones--placed on roads and bridges,and thus on maps as well.People hold different views,however.Supporters say Americans are used to having things sponsored（赞助）.Others disagree,considering the idea as the next step in the"companies of America."They wonder how far such an?idea might spread,and where it would end:at the Burger King Pacific Ocean,perhaps.Most of the roads need to have names so that__________.A.they can remind people of the pastB.people can learn about them betterC.they can be easily recognized on mapsD.people can enjoy naming them
All but the tiniest of roads have to have names so they can be recognized on a map,and so people can ask?directions to them.Americans name a lot of bridges,too.Very often these names carry a clear geographical reference the Pennsylvania Turnpike,for example.Or,like?the George Washington Bridge,roads and bridges are named for famous historical figures or powerful officers.We make a big deal out of naming things,as when someone decided to name an airport after a U.S.judge.So?now we have the Baltimore Washington International Thurgood Marshall Airport.Many,if not most,of our college buildings are named for wealthy people who gave a lot of money to the?schools.And our sports centers took this idea a step further.Companies paid a whole lot of money for what′s called?the"naming rights"to U.S.Cellular Field in Chicago,for example,and Citizens Bank Park in Philadelphia.Now the governor（州长）of Virginia,Bob McDonnell,wants to sell naming rights to roads and bridges in the state.He says not just companies,but also wealthy people,would help the Virginia transportation budget（预算）by paying to have their names--or perhaps those of loved ones--placed on roads and bridges,and thus on maps as well.People hold different views,however.Supporters say Americans are used to having things sponsored（赞助）.Others disagree,considering the idea as the next step in the"companies of America."They wonder how far such an?idea might spread,and where it would end:at the Burger King Pacific Ocean,perhaps.What can we learn from the last paragraph?A.People have different ideas toward naming things.B.Americans have sponsored naming a lot.C.Everything is named by an American company.D.Pacific Ocean will be renamed.
All but the tiniest of roads have to have names so they can be recognized on a map,and so people can ask?directions to them.Americans name a lot of bridges,too.Very often these names carry a clear geographical reference the Pennsylvania Turnpike,for example.Or,like?the George Washington Bridge,roads and bridges are named for famous historical figures or powerful officers.We make a big deal out of naming things,as when someone decided to name an airport after a U.S.judge.So?now we have the Baltimore Washington International Thurgood Marshall Airport.Many,if not most,of our college buildings are named for wealthy people who gave a lot of money to the?schools.And our sports centers took this idea a step further.Companies paid a whole lot of money for what′s called?the"naming rights"to U.S.Cellular Field in Chicago,for example,and Citizens Bank Park in Philadelphia.Now the governor（州长）of Virginia,Bob McDonnell,wants to sell naming rights to roads and bridges in the state.He says not just companies,but also wealthy people,would help the Virginia transportation budget（预算）by paying to have their names--or perhaps those of loved ones--placed on roads and bridges,and thus on maps as well.People hold different views,however.Supporters say Americans are used to having things sponsored（赞助）.Others disagree,considering the idea as the next step in the"companies of America."They wonder how far such an?idea might spread,and where it would end:at the Burger King Pacific Ocean,perhaps.Why does the governor of Virginia want to sell naming rights?A.To remember the loved names.B.To make the state well-known.C.To help the transportation budget.D.To increase companies'sales.