Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.It can be learned from the first paragraph that_____.A.the 2008 global financial crisis originated in EuropeB.euro-zone economy is still in the midst of recessionC.the ECB has helped euro's weak members step out of troubleD.the euro is ill-prepared to respond to another crisis
Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.
It can be learned from the first paragraph that_____.
It can be learned from the first paragraph that_____.
A.the 2008 global financial crisis originated in Europe
B.euro-zone economy is still in the midst of recession
C.the ECB has helped euro's weak members step out of trouble
D.the euro is ill-prepared to respond to another crisis
B.euro-zone economy is still in the midst of recession
C.the ECB has helped euro's weak members step out of trouble
D.the euro is ill-prepared to respond to another crisis
参考解析
解析：[信息锁定]首段末句指出自上次危机以来，政府债务持续累积，导致应对下次危机的空间被压缩，即欧元区没有准备好应对另一场危机,D.正确。[解题技巧][人]与①句“欧洲受到美国流感的传染”喻义“危机从美国传到欧洲”相悖。[L3]与⑤句欧元区经济现状“经济增长提速，失业率下降”相悖。C.将①至③句中the euro's weakest members、④句ECB implied.…if needed、⑤句所述欧元区经济复苏现状杂糅形成干扰，但文意仅表明“金融危机下．央行随时准备对最弱成员国采取救急措施”，但未表明已助其走出困境。
相关考题：
听力原文：W: What's the value of US dollars now?M: It's inflated and is losing value against Euro and RMB, while RMB is depreciated against Euro.Q: What does the man think of the US dollars?(14)A．The Euro's value remains unchanged.B．The value of US dollars has changed a lot.C．The American currency is losing value.D．The RMB is increasing in value.
When backing down with sternway，the pivot point of a vessel is ______.A.about one-quarter of the vessel's length from the sternB.at the bowC.about one-third of the vessel's length from the bowD.aft of the propellers
Text 4 Bankers have been blaming themselves for their troubles in public.Behind the scenes,they have been taking aim at someone else:the accounting standard-setters.Their rules,moan the banks,have forced them to report enormous losses,and it's just not fair.These rules say they must value some assets at the price a third party would pay,not the price managers and regulators would like them to fetch.Unfortunately,banks'lobbying now seems to be working.The details may be unknowable,but the independence of standard-setters,essential to the proper functioning of capital markets,is being compromised.And,unless banks carry toxic assets at prices that attract buyers,reviving the banking system will be difficult.After a bruising encounter with Congress,America's Financial Accounting Standards Board（FASB）rushed through rule changes.These gave banks more freedom to use models to value illiquid assets and more flexibility in recognizing losses on long-term assets in their income statement.Bob Herz,the FASB's chairman,cried out against those who"question our motives."Yet bank shares rose and the changes enhance what one lobby group politely calls"the use of judgment by management."European ministers instantly demanded that the International Accounting Standards Board（IASB）do likewise.The IASB says it does not want to act without overall planning,but the pressure to fold when it completes it reconstruction of rules later this year is strong.Charlie McCreevy,a European commissioner,warned the IASB that it did"not live in a political vacuum"but"in the real word"and that Europe could yet develop different rules.It was banks that were on the wrong planet,with accounts that vastly overvalued assets.Today they argue that market prices overstate losses,because they largely reflect the temporary illiquidity of markets,not the likely extent of bad debts.The truth will not be known for years.But bank's shares trade below their book value,suggesting that investors are skeptical.And dead markets partly reflect the paralysis of banks which will not sell assets for fear of booking losses,yet are reluctant to buy all those supposed bargains.To get the system working again,losses must be recognized and dealt with.America's new plan to buy up toxic assets will not work unless banks mark assets to levels which buyers find attractive.Successful markets require independent and even combative standard-setters.The FASB and IASB have been exactly that,cleaning up rules on stock options and pensions,for example,against hostility from special interests.But by giving in to critics now they are inviting pressure to make more concessions.36.Bankers complained that they were forced toA.follow unfavorable asset evaluation rulesB.collect payments from third partiesC.cooperate with the price managersD.reevaluate some of their assets.
Passage 1Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.What was the economic situation in France and Spain?A. Much better B. Somewhat better.C. Close to zero. D. Much worse.
Passage 1Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.What does the 1st sentence mean?A. Earlier this year, America suffered from a cold.B. The European Central Bank believed it wouldn't be affected by US.C. The European Central Bank had little to worry about.D. The euro area was safe and sound.
Passage 1Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.The best title for the passage is ___.A. The world economic situation.B. The world economic recession.C. The worse world economic situation.D. The reason for world economic recession.
Passage 1Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.what were Germany and Italy's GDP in the second quarter?A. stagnated B. fellC. suffered D. halted and decreased
Passage 1Earlier this year, when America first sneezed, the European Central Bank （along with most private-sector economists） argued that the euro area was insulated from America's slowdown and had little to worry about. This seems to have wrong. In Germany there are fears about recession as business investment and retail sales tumble. Recent figures confirmed that Germany’s GDP stagnated in the second quarter. Italy's GDP fell in the second quarter, and although growth has held up better in France and Spain, the growth in the euro area as a whole was close to zero in the quarter. Nobody is forecasting an actual recession in the euro area this year, but it is no longer expected to provide an engine for world growth.As for Japan, it is probably already in recession. Japan's GDP grew slightly in the first quarter. Persistent deflation continues to be a severe problem. A revised measure of Japan’s consumer-price index, to be published soon, is likely to show that deflation is worse than had been thought.Which of the following is NOT TRUE about Japan’s economy?A. It is perhaps already in decline.B. Japan`s GDP grew slightly in the first quarter.C. Deflation continues to be a severe problem.D. t is worse than that of US and European.
Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.Regarding the future of the EU,the author seems to feel____A.pessimisticB.desperateC.conceitedD.hopeful
Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.Italy and Germany are mentioned in Paragraph 3 to____A.illustrate the reason euro-zone reform sees little progressB.recall the devastating impact of the financial crisisC.show the eventual failure of the ECB's rescue plansD.stress an urgent need for tighter rules on structural reform
Text 4 The Big Mac index is built on the idea of purchasing-power parity,the theory that in the long run currencies will converge until the same amount of money buys the same amount of goods and services in every country.A Big Mac cunently costs$5.06 in America but just 10.75 lira（$2.75）in Turkey,implying that the lira is undenalued.However,ot:her currencies are even cheaper.In Big Mac tenns,the Mexican peso is underval-ued by 55.9%against the greenback.Last week it also hit a record low as Mr Trump restated some of his campaign threats against Mexico.The peso has lost a tenth of iLs value against the dollar since November.Of big countries,only Russia offers a cheaper Big Mac,in dollar terms,even though the rouble has strengthened over the past year.The euro zone is also prey to political uncerLainty.Elections are scheduled this year in the Netherlands,France and Germany,and possible in Italy.The euro recently fell to its lowest level since 2003.Britain's Brexit vote has had an even bigger effect on the pound,which has fallen to$1.21,a 31-year low.According to the Big Mac index,the euro and the pound are undervalued against the dollar by 19.7%and 26.3%,respectively.One of the drawbacks of the Big Mac index is that it takes no account of labour costs.It should surprise no one that a Big Mac costs less in Shanghai than it does in San Francisco,since Chinese workers eam far less than their American counterparts.So in a slightly more sophisticated version of the Big Mac index,we take account of a country's average income.Hisiorically,this adjustment has tended to raise currencies'valuations against the dollar,so emerging-market currencies tend to look more reasonably priced.The Chinese yuan,for example,is 44%undervalued against the doUar according to our baseline Big Mac index,but only 7%according to the adjusted one.The deluxe Big Mac index has typically made rich-world currencies look more expensive.Because western Europeans have higher costs of Iiving and lower incomes than Americans,the euro has traded at around a 25%premium against the dollar in income-adjusted burger terms since Lhe euro's inception.But what once seemed to be a constant truth of burgemomics is true no longer.So strong is the dollar Lhat even the adjusted Big Mac index finds the euro undenalued.The dollar is now Uading at a 14-year high in trade-weighted terms.Emerging-world economies may struggle to pay off dollar denominated debts.American firms may find themselves at a disadvantage agzunst foreign competition.And American tourists will get more burgers for their buck in Europe.We can leam from Paragraph 3 that______A.political uncertainty will not affect European countriesB.economic depression is the real reason for euro's devaluationC.the value of currency is completely decided by domestic factorsD.the devaluation of the pound is mainly caused by Britain's policy
Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.To solve the euro problem，Germany proposed that______A.EU funds for poor regions be increasedB.stricter regulations be imposedC.only core members be involved in economic coordinationD.voting rights of the EU members be guaranteed
Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.The author indicates in Paragraph 4 that_____.A.the euro zone should wait for a better time for reformB.the reform should start with the completion of a banking unionC.Germany has made great contributions to euro zone reformD.the capital-markets union is yet to be established
Text 2 America rarely looks to Brussels for guidance.Commercial freedom appeals more than governmental control.But when it comes to data privacy,the case for copying the best bits of the European Union's approach is compelling.The General Data Protection Regulation（GDPR）is due to come into force next month.It is rules-heavy and has its flaws,but its premise that consumers should be in charge of their personal data is the right one.The law lets users gain access to,and to correct,information that firms hold on them.It gives consumers the right to transfer their data to another organisation.It requires companies to define how they keep data secure.And it lets regulators levy big fines if firms break the rules.America has enacted privacy rules in areas such as health care.But it has never passed an overarching data-protection law.The failings of America's self-regulatory approach are becoming clearer by the week.Large parts of the online economy are fuelled by data that consumers spray around without thought.Companies'mysterious privacy policies obscure what they do with their users'information,which often amounts to pretty much anything they please.Facebook is embroiled in crisis after news that data on 87m users had been passed to a political-campaign firm.These are changing the calculus about the benefits of self-regulation.Opponents of privacy legislation have long argued that the imposition of rules would keep technology companies from innovating.Yet as trust leaks out of the system,innovation is likely to suffer.If consumers worry about what smartphone apps may do with their data,fewer new offerings will take off.It is striking that many of the firms preparing for the GDPR's arrival in Europe are excited that the law has forced them to put their data house in order.The need to minimise legal fragmentation only adds to the case for America to adopt bits of the GDPR.One reason behind the new rules in the EU was to harmonise data-protection laws so that firms can do business across Europe more easily.America is moving in the opposite direction.States that have detected a need for greater privacy are drafting their own laws.California has pending legislation that would establish a data-protection authority to regulate how the state's big tech firms use Californians'personal data.The GDPR is far from perfect.At nearly 100 articles long,it is too complex and tries to achieve too many things.The compliance costs for smaller firms,in particular,look burdensome.But these are arguments for using it as a template,not for ignoring the issue of data protection.If America continues on today's path,it will fail to protect the privacy of its citizens and long-term health of its firms.America's data economy has thrived so far with hardly any rules.That era is over.The most suitable title for this text would be____A.American firms in Europe will have to comply with the GDPRB.America should protect its citizens'privacy and its firms'healthC.America should borrow from Europe's data-privacy lawD.America's data economy is evolving into a new era
Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.The debate over the EU's single currency is stuck because the dominant powers_____A.are competing for the leading positionB.are busy handling their own crisesC.fail to reach an agreement on harmonizationD.disagree on the steps towards disintegration
Text 4 Will the European Union make it?The question would have sounded strange not long ago.Now even the project's greatest cheerleaders talk of a continent facing a“Bermuda triangle”of debt,population decline and lower growth.As well as those chronic problems,the EU faces an acute crisis in its economic core,the 16 countries that use the single currency.Markets have lost faith that the euro zone's economies,weaker or stronger,will one day converge thanks to the discipline of sharing a single currency,which denies uncompetitive members the quick fix of devaluation.Yet the debate about how to save Europe's single currency from disintegration is stuck.It is stuck because the euro zone's dominant powers,France and Germany,agree on the need for greater harmonization within the euro zone,but disagree about what to harmonies.Germany thinks the euro must be saved by stricter rules on borrow,spending and competitiveness,backed by quasiautomatic sanctions for governments that do not obey.These might include threats to freeze EU funds for poorer regions and EU megaprojects and even the suspension of a country's voting rights in EU ministerial councils.It insists that economic coordination should involve all 27 members of the EU club,among whom there is a small majority for freemarket liberalism and economic rigour;in the inner core alone,Germany fears,a small majority favour French interference.A“southern”camp headed by French wants something different:“European economic government”within an inner core of eurozone members.Translated,that means politicians intervening in monetary policy and a system of redistribution from richer to poorer members,via cheaper borrowing for governments through common Eurobonds or complete fiscal transfers.Finally,figures close to the France government have murmured,eurozone members should agree to some fiscal and social harmonization:e.g.,curbing competition in corporatetax rates or labour costs.It is too soon to write off the EU.It remains the world's largest trading block.At its best,the European project is remarkably liberal:built around a single market of 27 rich and poor countries,its internal borders are far more open to goods,capital and labour than any comparable trading area.It is an ambitious attempt to blunt the sharpest edges of globalization,and make capitalism benign.The French proposal of handling the crisis implies that______A.poor countries are more likely to get fundsB.strict monetary policy will be applied to poor countriesC.loans will be readily available to rich countriesD.rich countries will basically control Eurobonds
Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.The author's attitude toward Mr Draghi's monetary policy is one of_____A.appreciationB.uncertaintyC.disapprovalD.tolerance
Text 2 When Europe caught America's flu after 2008,bond markets picked off the euro's weakest members one by one.Greece,Portugal,Ireland and Spain were forced into bail-outs.Italy,the euro's third largest economy,tottered.Emergency funds were created,and the European Central Bank（ECB）implied it would create unlimited quantities of cash if needed,and the euro limped on.Today,growth is picking up and unemployment falling.But no one believes that the euro,which lacks the political and fiscal institutions typical of a currency area,can remain half-built forever.Investors are uncertain of its future,and governments have piled on debt since the last crisis,shrinking the space available to respond to the next one.The case for reform is much-talked about.The creation of the euro in 1999 denied its members the option of restoring competitiveness by devaluing.Labour-market mobility and fiscal transfers,which smooth the effects of shocks in other currency areas,were limited by rules and by culture.Bail-outs and belt-tightening were the prescribed solution for governments hit by sudden capital stops,which annoyed everyone:creditors resented opening their wallets;debtors contracted an acute case of austerity fatigue.The currency turned from an instrument of convergence between countries to a wedge driving them apart.Just compare Germany's unemployment rate with Greece's.All this created a legacy of mistrust that haunts the euro zone today.That helps explain why,despite this endless talk of troubles,conversations about euro-zone reform have gone nowhere.Indebted countries like Italy have grown addicted to the ECB's cheap money,ignoring pleas from Mario Draghi,the bank's president,to use the time he has bought them to reinvent their economies.Hardliners like Germany are more convinced than ever of the need for strict rules on spending and structural reform.Anxious officials wonder where the political impetus for a debate on the euro's future might come from.If the euro area is capable of taking advantage of good conditions,best to build confidence slowly.Start with the incomplete banking union,which still lacks a common deposit-insurance scheme（thanks to German objections）,and a backstop for its resolution fund.The much-celebrated capital-markets union,which aims to reduce European firmsJ reliance on banks for finance,is only getting off the ground.Improving cross-border financial flows matters as much as the more contentious fiscal risk-sharing.In time,that might open the way to more radical changes.They will require the sort of political courage for which the euro zone has never been known,but it could turn out to be less painful than some suspect:polls find record support for the single currency among voters,and a surprising appetite for reform.Like self-hating addicts,governments have shivered in the euro zone's halfway house for too long,hooked up to Mr Draghi's monetary medicine and convincing themselves that they deserve no better.It is time to move on.According to Paragraph 2,bail-outs and belt-tightening____.A.eventually cause harm to all the member countriesB.fail to work due to inconsistent euro rulesC.have eased unemployment in Germany and GreeceD.are proved to be more effective than devaluation
共用题干New Foods and the New WorldIn the last 500 years,nothing about people—not their clothes,ideas,or languages—has changed as much as what they eat. The original chocolate drink was made from the seeds of the cocoa tree by South American Indians .The Spanish introduced it to the rest of the world during the 1500's .And although it was very expensive,it quickly became fashionable.In London,shops where chocolate drinks were served became important meeting places. Some still exist today.The potato is also from the New World. Around 1600,the Spanish brought it from Peru to Europe,where it soon was widely grown. Ireland became so dependent on it that thousands of Irish people starved when the crop failed during the“Potato Famine”of 1845—1846,and thou- sands more were forced to emigrate to America.There are many other foods that have traveled from South America to the Old World. But some others went in the opposite direction. Brazil is now the world's largest grower of coffee,and coffee is an important crop in Colombia and other South American countries.But it is native to Ethiopia. It was first made into a drink by Arabs during the 1400's.According to an Arabic legend,coffee was discovered when a person named Kaldi noticed that his goats were attracted to the red berries on a coffee bush.He tried one and experienced the “wide-awake”feeling that one-third of the world's population now starts the day with. The Arabic legend is used to prove thatA:.coffee was first discovered by KaldiB: coffee was first discovered by Kaldi's goatsC:.coffee was first discovered in south American countriesD: coffee drinks were first made by Arabs
共用题干New Foods and the New WorldIn the last 500 years,nothing about people—not their clothes,ideas,or languages—has changed as much as what they eat. The original chocolate drink was made from the seeds of the cocoa tree by South American Indians .The Spanish introduced it to the rest of the world during the 1500's .And although it was very expensive,it quickly became fashionable.In London,shops where chocolate drinks were served became important meeting places. Some still exist today.The potato is also from the New World. Around 1600,the Spanish brought it from Peru to Europe,where it soon was widely grown. Ireland became so dependent on it that thousands of Irish people starved when the crop failed during the“Potato Famine”of 1845—1846,and thou- sands more were forced to emigrate to America.There are many other foods that have traveled from South America to the Old World. But some others went in the opposite direction. Brazil is now the world's largest grower of coffee,and coffee is an important crop in Colombia and other South American countries.But it is native to Ethiopia. It was first made into a drink by Arabs during the 1400's.According to an Arabic legend,coffee was discovered when a person named Kaldi noticed that his goats were attracted to the red berries on a coffee bush.He tried one and experienced the “wide-awake”feeling that one-third of the world's population now starts the day with.“Some”in“some still exist today”(Para. 1)means______.A:some cocoa treesB: some chocolate drinksC: some shopsD: some South American Indians
共用题干New Foods and the New WorldIn the last 500 years,nothing about people—not their clothes,ideas,or languages—has changed as much as what they eat. The original chocolate drink was made from the seeds of the cocoa tree by South American Indians .The Spanish introduced it to the rest of the world during the 1500's .And although it was very expensive,it quickly became fashionable.In London,shops where chocolate drinks were served became important meeting places. Some still exist today.The potato is also from the New World. Around 1600,the Spanish brought it from Peru to Europe,where it soon was widely grown. Ireland became so dependent on it that thousands of Irish people starved when the crop failed during the“Potato Famine”of 1845—1846,and thou- sands more were forced to emigrate to America.There are many other foods that have traveled from South America to the Old World. But some others went in the opposite direction. Brazil is now the world's largest grower of coffee,and coffee is an important crop in Colombia and other South American countries.But it is native to Ethiopia. It was first made into a drink by Arabs during the 1400's.According to an Arabic legend,coffee was discovered when a person named Kaldi noticed that his goats were attracted to the red berries on a coffee bush.He tried one and experienced the “wide-awake”feeling that one-third of the world's population now starts the day with. Coffee originally came from_______.A:.BrazilB: ColombiaC:EthiopiaD: Arabia
共用题干New Foods and the New WorldIn the last 500 years,nothing about people—not their clothes,ideas,or languages—has changed as much as what they eat. The original chocolate drink was made from the seeds of the cocoa tree by South American Indians .The Spanish introduced it to the rest of the world during the 1500's .And although it was very expensive,it quickly became fashionable.In London,shops where chocolate drinks were served became important meeting places. Some still exist today.The potato is also from the New World. Around 1600,the Spanish brought it from Peru to Europe,where it soon was widely grown. Ireland became so dependent on it that thousands of Irish people starved when the crop failed during the“Potato Famine”of 1845—1846,and thou- sands more were forced to emigrate to America.There are many other foods that have traveled from South America to the Old World. But some others went in the opposite direction. Brazil is now the world's largest grower of coffee,and coffee is an important crop in Colombia and other South American countries.But it is native to Ethiopia. It was first made into a drink by Arabs during the 1400's.According to an Arabic legend,coffee was discovered when a person named Kaldi noticed that his goats were attracted to the red berries on a coffee bush.He tried one and experienced the “wide-awake”feeling that one-third of the world's population now starts the day with. Thousands of Irish people starved during the“Potato Famine”because______.A: they were so dependent on the potato that they refused to eat anything elseB: they were forced to emigrate to AmericaC: the weather conditions in Ireland were not suitable for growing the potatoD:.the potato harvest was bad
单选题If the essay were to continue after sentence 15, which of the following would be the best content for sentence 16?AA comparison of the gross revenues of Larson’s and Rent and Lurhmann’s La BohemeBThe number of sold-out performances of La Boheme each year throughout the worldCPuccini’s goals for the first production of the operaDThe possible reasons the artists felt the need to alter a masterpieceEA list of other productions developed from La Boheme
单选题When backing down with sternway，the pivot point of a vessel is（）.Aabout one-quarter of the vessel's length from the sternBat the bowCabout one-third of the vessel's length from the bowDaft of the propellers
问答题Practice 4 Europeans have long aspired to end American dominance as the world’s economic leader. The single market and the euro are widely seen as essential steps in this direction. But is Europe ready to lead? Do Europeans understand what it would take? Despite a budding recovery, the United States is hardly the model of economic health that it once was. On several issues—from steel tariffs to the resurgent deficit to shady corporate practices—America has demonstrated a growing failure of leadership. Over the past two decades the United States has shown what it takes to be an economic superpower—a strong currency, openness to imports, concessions in trade negotiations and articulating an economic philosophy for the rest of the world. Now that it’s apparently fading on so many counts, the question becomes: is Europe willing and prepared to do what the United States once did, in order to supplant it? First the exchange-rate issue. The euro will probably continue strengthening against the dollar, if only because of America’s huge and growing $400 billion-a-year current-account deficit. This means that, every year, the United States borrows about 4 percent of its GDP on world markets. If international investors lose confidence in the U.S. economy, fewer people will want to hold dollar assets. The dollar will fall—and the euro will appreciate. This may be a normal market cycle, but there will be consequences. Among others, European companies will see their U.S. profits erode. What happens if the dollar falls farther and faster than anticipated? Are European industrial companies ready to compete with a euro worth $1.10, $1.15 or $1.25? The flip side of the much-desired strong euro would almost certainly be a surge in imports from the United States and the rest of the world. Exports might fall, resulting in job losses—perhaps even a trade deficit for the European Union. Europeans are rightfully angry at new U.S. steel tariffs. But given the sheer size of America’s trade deficit, Washington’s policies are actually relatively moderate. The question remains: if Europe were in a similar position, would its voters and politicians be equally sensitive to what’s best for the global economy? Would European politicians be able to face the incredible pressures that would build for protectionist measures if it were Europe, and not the United States, that ran a persistent trade deficit? Not likely, I fear. America’s retreat from its leading role presents an opportunity for the European Union. Trouble is, its political institutions have yet to mature to the point where they can resolve trade disputes, say, by looking beyond the immediate and narrow self-interests of its member states. Europe’s chance for economic leadership may come sooner than expected. But too many Europeans haven’t yet grasped the basic secret of America’s leadership—the hard work and tough choices that are involved. That’s what Europeans now face, in this season of elections and decision making that will shape their future. Let’s hope they recognize that such sacrifices will pay off for them, as well as for the rest of the world.
问答题Practice 2 The news couldn’t be worse. Three years of recession or anemic economic growth, Argentina’s debt default and collapse and—more recently—Bolivia’s president run out of office by indigenous people fed up with his pro-business, pro-Washington agenda. Taken together, these trials have seemingly erased the promise of prosperity that wafted across the region a decade ago. Now there’s the specter of a return to the dark days of the 1970s and 80s when economic and political chaos were the norm. Social eruptions have prompted a wide-ranging and contentious reappraisal of the economic orthodoxy—the neoliberal model that has shaped policy in Latin America for the past 15 years. Market-oriented structural reforms have succeeded in a few crucial ways: they ended the ruinous era of hyperinflation, and inculcated a sense of fiscal responsibility among profligate governments. But belt-tightening has not led to the robust economic performance promised when reforms began. After enjoying encouraging GDP expansion in the early and mid-1990s, Latin America has stumbled through about five years of economic stagnation that have left the region’s have-nots in a surly mood. Latin America desperately wants increased access to markets in the United States and Europe, but the region doesn’t want to pursue trade deals on what it perceives to be unfair terms. (Newsweek)